The Human Right focus & Environmental News

14/12/2011 12:51
Dec 12, 2011
In Norway on Saturday, three women stepped up to be awarded the Nobel Peace Prize for 2011. The awarding of the Nobel to Leymah Gbowee, Tawakkul Karman and Ellen Johnson-Sirleaf is a long-awaited and, some may think, overdue testament to women's courage. While just three women ascended to the podium in Oslo, the victory will be shared by many, many more -- and couldn't have come at a better time.
 
 
Dec 12, 2011
United States Secretary of State Hillary Clinton delivered a simple but profound message in her United­ Nations speech in Geneva last week. Her message: human rights are indivisible and governments cannot selectively withhold rights.
 
 
Dec 9, 2011
Four years after the 2007-2008 post-election violence, the Kenyan police and judicial system have failed to adequately investigate and prosecute crimes and to ensure justice for victims. While the International Criminal Court (ICC) has taken on a handful of cases, Kenya should establish a special judicial mechanism in its justice system to bring broader accountability. It should also provide compensation for victims, starting with the 21 or more victims of police shootings who have won civil suits against the Attorney General, but to whom the government has failed to pay court-ordered compensation.
 
 
Jacqueline Moudeina, a leader in the fight to bring former Chadian dictator Hissène Habré to justice receives Right Livelihood Award
December 6, 2011
 

Jacqueline Moudeina is president of the Chadian Association for the Promotion and Defense of Human Rights (ATPDH) and has been the lawyer for the victims of the former dictator Hissène Habré since 2000. In 2001, Ms. Moudeina was seriously injured by a grenade thrown by security forces commanded by a former officer in Hissène Habré’s political police.
 
On December 5, 2011, Ms. Moudeina received the Right Livelihood Award 2011, which is considered to be the “Alternative Nobel Prize,” “for her tireless efforts at great personal risk to win justice for the victims of the former dictatorship in Chad and to increase awareness and observance of human rights in Africa” (https://www.rightlivelihood.org).
 
This is her acceptance speech delivered at the Swedish parliament in Stockholm on December 5, 2011.
 
*****
 
Jacqueline Moudeina’s Remarks for the “Right Livelihood Award”
 
Honorable Ladies and Gentlemen,
 
Allow me to begin by sincerely thanking you for the distinguished honor that you are bestowing upon me through the “Right Livelihood Award.” This award recognizes me specifically but, beyond that, rewards all the human rights defenders in the world, and particularly in Africa.
 
Rest assured that it is a deeply encouraging sign for us, the human rights defenders, and especially for us, the women, who fight on a daily basis, in very difficult conditions, sometimes at the risk of our own lives, in a world where power is generally held by men. This award gives us the courage to continue our different struggles on a road fraught with pitfalls.
 
Fighting for victims is in my genes. I am a rebel who from an early age has been indignant in the face of abuse, and I cannot bear injustice. I have always felt this way and always will, as long as those who suffer injustice are ignored by their leaders and as long as justice is selective. Many have tried to prevent me from doing my work; many have tried to intimidate me, to psychologically and physically threaten me. But I have come to understand, as Alexis Voinov said in Albert Camus’ The Just Assassins, that “it isnot enough to speak out against injustice. You have to dedicate your life to fighting it.” Until now, no one has managed to discourage me or get the better of me. I will continue my fight.
 
Ladies and Gentlemen,
 
I will seize this occasion to tell you about one aspect of our struggle for human rights: the fight against impunity.
 
In the past twenty years, the international community has undeniably made major strides in the fight against impunity for the worst criminals. But in Africa, much remains to be done. On this continent, impunity is a cancer that, with its corollary disease corruption, has infected our body politic and prevents us from realizing our true potential. We, the members of civil society, are fighting against this cancer, from Tunis to Harare, from Dakar to Khartoum, and in other places like Abidjan, Tripoli, and N’Djamena.
 
And yet, this justice that I am speaking about is not a science in the making. It isn’t a utopia. It is the most fundamental form of justice: criminal justice that allows victims to wash away the worst horrors, that gives back dignity to men who were tortured, and that gives back courage to women who have lost hope.
 
You only need to look at our struggle to bring to justice the former dictator of my country, Hissène Habré, to understand that today, in the twenty-first century, more than sixty years after the Nuremberg trials, it is sometimes easier to resort to oppression than to abide by the law, easier to commit violence than to deliver justice!
 
Habré ruled Chad from 1982 to 1990 until his overthrow and exile in Senegal. During his reign, atrocities were committed on a large scale, waves of ethnic cleansing crashed down on individual groups, and torture was institutionalized. In 1992, a national Commission of Inquiry estimated that his regime was responsible for the death of more than 40,000 people and the disappearance of thousands of individuals, leaving in its wake innumerable widows and orphans.
 
The victims of the Habré regime, whom I represent, have fought tirelessly for justice for twenty-one years. But to date their struggle remains unfinished. Before leaving power, Hissène Habré emptied out Chad’s national coffers and has skillfully used these funds in Senegal to weave himself a powerful network of protection. And so, instead of allowing the victims’ case to be heard, Senegal and the African Union have subjected them to what Archbishop Desmond Tutu and 117 organizations from twenty-five African countries rightly denounced as an “interminable political and legal soap opera.” I would say even more: a true stations of the cross for the victims.
 

  • In January 2000, we filed a complaint against Hissène Habré in Senegal where he now lives. One month later, the decision by a Senegalese judge to indict Habré gave us real hope.
     
  • However, following political inference, denounced by the United Nations, the Senegalese courts declared that they lacked jurisdiction.
     
  • The victims then turned toward Belgium which offered them a path to justice. After a four-year investigation, a Belgian judge issued an international arrest warrant against Habré in 2005. The victims once again felt real hope that they might see Hissène Habré brought to justice for his alleged crimes.
     
  • But once again, the victims were disappointed when Senegal refused to extradite Habré to Belgium.
     
  • In May 2006, the UN Committee against Torture condemned Senegal for its failure to act and enjoined Senegal to prosecute or extradite the former Chadian dictator.
     
  • In July 2006, the heads of state and government leaders of the African Union gave Senegal a mandate to prosecute Habré “in the name of Africa.” It was another step forward.
     
  • But our renewed hope to see Habré tried was short-lived. For four years, Senegal conditioned the start of investigations on the up-front payment by the international community of all the costs of the trial. When the international community committed to such payment, President Abdoulaye Wade of Senegal suddenly refused to execute the mandate conferred by the African Union and, in June 2011, finally declared that Senegal would not prosecute Hissène Habré.
     
  • Since then, Belgium, a country to which I express thanks on behalf of all the victims, has renewed its extradition request.
     
  • But now, the African Union now talks of sending Habré to Rwanda and starting everything all over again. What an outrage! What a loss of time, when the surviving victims are dying one after the other! More than a dozen victims have passed away this year alone. A request to transfer Habré to Rwanda would entail many more years of waiting, the time that it would take for Rwanda to create an adequate legislative framework, to conduct an investigation, and to issue an extradition request, whereas a trial in Belgium could take place quickly.

 
This is yet another dilatory tactic by the African Union, and calls into question the institution’s commitment to the fight against impunity. With a few exceptions, African leaders, who say that they want to free themselves of the tutelage of international tribunals and the extradition requests of Western countries, are revealing that they form nothing more than a club of heads of states ensuring their own impunity.
 
It is time for Senegal to grant victims the justice that they have demanded by extraditing Habré to Belgium where he can be tried. The victims cannot wait any longer. Psychologically and physically, they have suffered severe trauma that has taken a heavy toll over the years.
 
The Chadian government itself, last July, requested, and I quote, that the “option to extradite Habré to Belgium to face trial be given priority.” Why is President Wade denying us justice? Why is the African Union failing to listen to the victims? Why do Senegal and the African Union not support the position of Chad, the country most directly concerned by this case, which is to see Habré tried in Belgium?
 
I would like to seize this opportunity today to voice the victims’ plea, and to call on Senegal to extradite Habré to Belgium, to enable them at last to obtain justice.
 
This case isn’t just about one man, however, but rather it is about one of the most tyrannical regimes of the last century.This regime is usually identified with one man, Habré, but we have not forgotten about his accomplices, the executioners and torturers who carried out the former dictator’s orders. These ex-agents of Habré’s terrifying political police, known as the “Documentation and Security Directorate,” must also face justice before the Chadian courts and must be removed from public service. This was already one of the main recommendations of the National Commission of Inquiry in 1992.
 
Some of these accomplices continue to haunt us by taunting and threatening us in our daily lives. But we will not drop this fight. I myself was targeted in 2001 for my involvement in the Habré case. During a peaceful march in favor of democracy, a police squad attempted to assassinate me with a grenade. Its commander was none other than a former torturer against whom the victims had initiated a judicial procedure in Chad.
 
This event illustrates the educational value of a trial: how could this former torturer still believe that a dictator’s weapon is more powerful than a judge’s gavel? Despite this attempted assassination, I have never relented, and I will continue my efforts until Habré and the other executioners are brought to justice.
 
Ladies and Gentlemen,
 
The challenge of our struggle, above and beyond the trial of one individual, is that of national union for a lasting peace in my country. Today, the trial of Hissène Habré and his accomplices would allow the Chadian people to begin, at last, the reconstruction of their country. And it is only at the end of this process that the Chadian people will be able to truly come together and enjoy a rebirth.
 
In the struggle to end the impunity of some powerful leaders, justice has so far been an elusive dream. But this award which you bestow on me today is a tribute to the thousands of victims, widows, and orphans.
 
And it is to these individuals that I dedicate this award. We will not give up.This award reaffirms that we are right and encourages us to continue our fight against impunity.
 
Thank you for your attention.

 

ENVIRONMENTAL NEWS

Rio de Janeiro at night.

As Rio de Janeiro prepares to host the World Cup finals in 2014 and summer Olympics in 2016, pressure is rising to improve electric service there and throughout Brazil.

Photograph by Laurie Chamberlain, Corbis

Marcelo Soares

Published December 13, 2011

When the lights go out these days in Brazil, the one word that Energy Minister Edison Lobão doesn't want to hear is apagão, or "blackout."

The word took on multiple meanings for citizens in the world's fifth largest nation after crippling power outages and government-mandated energy rationing in the early 2000s. Any massive failure of government or corporate officialdom-from plane delays to shortages of skilled workers-came to be branded as apagão. In last year's national elections, before Dilma Rousseff won the presidency in a runoff, there was vigorous dispute on Twitter over apagão, and which party had left more people in the dark most often. And last February, when 50 million people lost electricity for hours in the impoverished northeast, Lobão said it should not be considered an apagão, but a "temporary interruption of the electricity supply."

Keenly aware of domestic pressure over reliable electricity service, and knowing that the world will be watching as Brazil hosts both the World Cup and the Olympics within the next five years, public and private officials are working to bolster power delivery. But solutions are not easy in this sprawling country, South America's largest nation. While faced with feeding one of the world's largest cities, São Paulo, Brazil also is steward both to the Amazon and to more rural poor than any other nation in the Western Hemisphere. Brazil is roiled by conflict between city and village, development and preservation, as it considers how to fuel its economy and deliver future energy.

(Related: "Pictures-A River People Await an Amazon Dam")

Wide Reach, Many Complaints

AES Eletropaulo, which serves 6.1 million customers in São Paulo and the 23 cities in the surrounding metropolitan region, has plenty of critics. Procon, São Paulo state's consumer protection agency, lists it every year as one of the companies that receives the most complaints. The agency says blackouts are occurring more often in the city. A judicial sentence that took effect in August against Eletropaulo, in a case brought by Procon after a nationwide blackout in 2009, established that for any blackout exceeding four hours, the company would be fined 500,000 Brazilian reais ($300,000) for each hour of power outage beyond the initial four.

Despite frequent displeasure over outages, the reality is that electricity has wider reach in Brazil than any other public service, according to newly published figures from Brazil's census. The official records show the electric grid reaches up to 97.8 percent of homes throughout the country. In contrast, only 82.9 percent of homes have access to water supply, and just 67.1 percent of homes are hooked into public sanitation systems.

Energy consultant Roberto Kishinami, a former adviser to Brazil's government, described how private multinational companies developed the first power plants around São Paulo city in the 1920s, tapping the power of the Tietê River to generate electricity. While powering the industrialization of São Paulo, they left treatment of sewage to the same river, causing an environmental and urban problem for decades. Kishinami says water resources were viewed as a public good, and entrepreneurial spirit was unleashed to advance electricity. But these were not accompanied by commitments to efficiency or environmental protection.

Distribution of electricity is by no means equal across the country. In the poor northern states, including the Amazon, nearly one in each four rural homes still needs candlelight at night. But in São Paulo, only 1 in 2,000 homes lacks access to the power grid. As a result, more than 10 percent of Brazil's electricity is consumed in an area less than 1/1000th of the nation's size.

The most frequent power shortages in Brazil are actually in the poor rural areas where electricity coverage is limited, and where cities are small and sparse. Nearly 30 percent of the 65 incidents registered in the first half of 2011 by the national grid operator ONS (National Operator of the System), occurred in the Amazonian states of Pará, Acre, and Rondonia.

"I have worked in the north of Brazil," says Otavio Grillo, operational director of AES Eletropaulo. "Sometimes, power lines have to extend for 400 kilometers [248 miles] in the jungle to reach the population," he says. That, according to him, increases the chances that environmental factors will interfere with the lines.

(Related: "Amazon Opportunity: Brazil Doesn't Count on Carbon Market")

Official data kept by Brazil's National Agency of Electric Energy (Aneel) shows that blackouts in São Paulo are less frequent than in rural areas. When blackouts happen in the city, though, they affect areas vital to Brazil's economy; São Paulo generates 15 percent of Brazil's GDP. "We have the most critical clients in Brazil," says Grillo. When power outages happen in the north of the country, few outside the affected region hear about it, like a tree falling in the Amazon.

In São Paulo, due to the high concentration of energy consumers-more than 4,000 per square kilometer-any such disruption generates a swarm of complaints, making Eletropaulo's call center buzz. On the worst day, when a cyclone hit the city in July, there were 240,000 calls an hour. Eletropaulo issued a press statement that the outage should not be considered an apagão because only a few streets experienced outages.

Goal: Better Service

Pressure to improve the nation's electric service is expected to increase in the next five years, when Brazil's second-largest city, Rio de Janeiro-capital of state adjacent to São Paulo-hosts the finals of the 2014 FIFA World Cup and the summer Olympics in 2016. "Quero ver na Copa" has become a common remark when a Brazilian faces a lapse in any public service, including electrical: "I want to see what happens during the World Cup."

Power upgrades are integrated with construction planning for the events. In the capital of Brasília, a substation is being built just to power the national stadium for the games. In Paraná, just south of São Paulo state, the state power company is investing 500,000 Brazilian reais ($269,500) to improve the system for faster response to outages. In Rio, served by the electric company, Light, authorities are pouring millions of dollars into revamping the decades-old underground electricity and gas utility infrastructure. Last summer, exploding manhole covers became epidemic in Rio as sparks from old transformer junctions ignited gases beneath the street.

Eletropaulo says that since 2006 it has invested more than 3 billion Brazilian reais ($1.6 billion) in its network and it plans to invest a like amount before 2015 to improve services. This past summer, it announced a collaboration with General Electric and Trilliant to install smart meters and wireless communication to improve its electric delivery.

Brazil's government has put an emphasis on new energy generation, focusing on the same kind of development that has served the nation in the past: Hydroelectric, which currently provides nearly 85 percent of the nation's power. Regulators at the Aneel are discussing how to privatize power generators in Brazil's north, which currently are enterprises administered by Brazil's state-run Eletrobras. (Most other power companies in the country-like AES Eletropaulo-were auctioned away by the federal government in the late 1990s.) In the past five years, there have been ten auctions for licenses to build new power plants.

Three of the new hydroelectric plants would be in the Amazon, tapping the energy potential of the Madeira and Xingu rivers. But one project, Belo Monte, threatens to displace native populations, causing the Organization of the American States in April to demand suspension of construction. Brazil's government criticized the OAS move, and president Rousseff suspended Brazil's payment of $800,000 to the organization in retaliation. Lobão once attacked critics of the Belo Monte project as "the demoniac forces that are pulling Brazil down."

But the new hydro generation will only partially help address the electricity delivery problems that trouble Brazil's residents. Critics of Belo Monte are quick to point out that its power is likely to flow, at least in part, to new and growing industrial development. Brazil's giant mining company, Vale, and steelmaker Sinobras are shareholders in the consortium of government and private companies building Belo Monte.

(Related: "Updating the United States' Electric Grid With Flywheels and Air")

Hydropower Dependence

But getting power from rivers to the cities and industry has often been a challenge in a nation that is more than 8.5 million square kilometers (3.3 million square miles) in size. This is true even though Brazil has what Kishinami describes as "a very robust interlinked system," a grid that covers the entire country, north to south, east to west. "Few countries as big as Brazil have the same kind of [interconnection]," said Kishinami. (In contrast, the United States has no interconnection between its east and west grids and Texas is isolated on its own grid.)

(Related: "As Sun Storms Ramp Up, Electric Grid Braces for Impact")

In 2007, a blackout that left 3 million Brazilians in the dark was caused by accumulated soot in power line insulators. Such incidents are becoming less frequent, though. Aneel's official figures say the average Brazilian consumer loses power nearly 15 times a year, for a total of 18 hours, down from 21 times and 26 hours a year in 1998, when the agency was created.

But the general interconnection can allow trouble to spread far and wide. That's what happened on November 10, 2009. After a triple failure in energy transmission circuits, 18 Brazilian states were in the dark for as long as seven hours. The entire neighboring country of Paraguay also faced a brief power shortage, because the two nations share the second-largest hydroelectric dam in the world, Itaipu on the Paraná River. In Rio de Janeiro state alone, the outage cost industries 1 billion Brazilian reais ($539 million).

(Related: "Brazil Ethanol Looks to Sweeten More Gas Tanks")

Officials blamed strong wind and lightning for the power failure, although researchers have disputed these findings. Since the final report on the incident found flaws in maintenance of the transmission lines, Aneel fined Furnas Centrais Elétricas, a private company that manages power distribution, 53.7 million Brazilian reais ($28.9 million) -one of the largest fines in the agency's history.

It is not only the maintenance of the long transmission lines that is a problem, but the political tension that results from Brazil's decision to have power travel long distance from rivers in rural areas to its metropolitan centers in the south. Critics say the nation is both failing to serve the power needs of its rural poor, and threatening the culture of the indigenous people who rely on the rivers.

Kishinami believes that Brazil has focused on large hydroelectric projects to the exclusion of other energy alternatives, just as the building of roads has crowded out other transportation alternatives, such as trains and navigation by water. He believes Brazil should be spending more resources to explore technologies like biomass and solar energy to power rural communities. "Brazil has the challenge to incorporate new technologies to minimize environmental impact and make alternative energy an economic alternative," he said. In addition to "big solutions" in the interest of the nation, he said, "small solutions" need to be developed in the interest of communities. "We still don't have a planning system that's able to think in different scales and levels," he said.